About this Risk Bulletin

Welcome to the first issue of this Risk Bulletin, a periodic publication of the Observatory of Violence and Resilience in Haiti, a forum for research and analysis, civil society empowerment, capacity building and support for multilateral actors. The bulletin will analyze key trends in the political economy of violence in Haiti.

The crisis that began on 29 February, with coordinated gang attacks on the capital, Port-au-Prince, led to a violent reconfiguration of the political situation on the ground. The ensuing months have been marked by an unprecedented level of humanitarian crisis, infrastructure destruction and deep institutional transformation, with the resignation of Prime Minister Ariel Henry, the creation of a Transitional Presidential Council (TPC) and the recent formation of a government, led by the appointed prime minister, Garry Conille.

Although the crisis undoubtedly marked the edge of the abyss, the gangs have ceased in their conquest of the capital. Port-au-Prince has returned to the precarious order that prevailed before 29 February, in which daily life coexists with gang shootings and attacks. One major exception is that the Multinational Security Support (MSS) mission, led by a Kenyan police force, was finally deployed on 25 June, with 200 troops on the ground. This inaugural issue analyzes these dynamics and more.

For more analytical content from the Observatory of Violence and Resilience in Haiti, see https://globalinitiative.net/observatory/ht-obs/.

The Global Initiative Against Transnational Organized Crime (GI-TOC) is a platform to promote greater debate and innovative approaches to serve as the building blocks of an inclusive global strategy against organized crime. See GI-TOC: https://globalinitiative.net/.

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Summary highlights

1. Viv Ansanm: How a gang coalition has transformed violence in Port-au-Prince.A key development in Haiti’s gang violence is the re-formation of the gang coalition Viv Ansanm (Living Together, in Haitian creole), meant to bring together the criminal groups in a unified front against the Haitian national police and the government. The operations and influence of Viv Ansanm, represented by Jimmy ‘Barbecue’ Chérizier, illustrate the multifaceted nature of Haiti’s crisis. Viv Ansanm’s control over significant parts of Port-au-Prince and strategic infrastructure, coupled with its violent tactics and political connections, poses a systemic threat, and demands comprehensive and sustained efforts to dismantle its influence and restore order. Security, economic, humanitarian and political challenges will not be miraculously solved by the MSS mission alone.Read more
2. The rebuilding of Haitian institutions, the MSS and the ecosystem of criminal violence: How to provide coordinated security and justice responses?Driven by the international community, in particular the Caribbean Community (CARICOM), the Transitional Presidential Council (TPC) was established to replace Prime Minister Ariel Henry. After a chaotic start, the TPC appointed in May a new prime minister, Garry Conille, who formed his government on 11 June. As Haiti’s institutions look to transition to a more solid mode of operation, the MSS should not be considered a silver bullet. A way forward, framed by solid and transparent legal bodies, and a clear public security strategy, must be put in place to tackle the complex Haitian ecosystem of violence, marked by a coexistence of criminal groups and the state. It is critical that the Haitian authorities and the international community make progress in terms of facilitating humanitarian access and development by reconsolidating public institutions and by seeking a judicial solution to the gangs.Read more
3. Sanctions and Haiti’s criminal crisis: What can be done to strengthen the mechanism?Given the delays in the deployment of the MSS mission, the most visible multilateral response to Haiti’s crisis has been the use of targeted sanctions by the international community. However, both UN and unilateral sanctions have seen little further movement, with no designations issued since late 2023 (with the exception of Canada). The EU, which has several members with important ties to Haiti, has not issued any designations under the sanctions regime it created in July 2023. There appears to be substantial reluctance by the Security Council to designate such backers, most likely because of the risk that designations on elites could negatively impact peacebuilding and government formation, though this comes with the equally palpable risk of allowing the elite-gang nexus to operate unhindered.Read more

Source: https://riskbulletins.globalinitiative.net/ht-obs-001/index.html